18/05/2016 Tensiones con militares- Intriga política - Historia

18/05/2016 Tensiones con militares- Intriga política - Historia


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18/05/2016 Lieberman Posiblemente sea ministro de Defensa

Hoy fue uno de los días más salvajes de la historia de la política israelí. Todo esto tuvo lugar en contra de una historia más amplia de continuas tensiones entre los militares y el gobierno.

La saga de hoy comenzó con miembros del Partido Laborista israelí que parecían estar llevando a cabo su propio pelotón de fusilamiento circular. Después de negar con vehemencia que estaba negociando para ingresar al gobierno de Netanyahu, el jefe del Partido Laborista, MK Yitzchak “Buji” Herzog admitió que estaba en negociaciones avanzadas para hacerlo. Las razones exactas por las que está haciendo esto ahora siguen siendo un misterio. La mayoría de los observadores creen que está relacionado con la fuerte caída de popularidad del Partido Laborista en las últimas encuestas; encuestas que muestran que los laboristas pierden entre un tercio y la mitad de su escaño en el parlamento, si se celebran elecciones hoy. Yair Lapid, del partido Yesh Atid, ha sido el principal beneficiario de las pérdidas proyectadas por el laborismo, y el partido de Lapid ha ganado casi todos los escaños perdidos.

Los movimientos de Herzog no han sido apreciados por casi ninguno de los otros miembros del Parlamento de su partido; todos menos tres declararon que se oponen a la medida, y algunos sostienen además que no hay ninguna circunstancia bajo la cual aceptarían ningún cargo en un gobierno de Netanyahu. Los opositores al Partido Laborista que acuerdan formar parte de una Coalición de Unidad afirman que ningún gobierno bajo Netanyahu hará cambios en la política, a pesar de tener al Partido Laborista dentro.

En su defensa, Herzog afirma que existen extraordinarias oportunidades para las negociaciones con el mundo árabe en este momento; negociaciones en las que solo él podría participar. Ayer, Herzog citó un discurso del presidente egipcio Abdel Fattah Saeed Hussein Khalil el-Sisi en el que pedía que se reanudaran las conversaciones bajo los auspicios de Egipto, entre Israel y los palestinos como una de esas oportunidades.

Hoy, el líder del partido Yisrael Beiteinu, el exministro de Relaciones Exteriores Avigdor Lieberman, anunció que estaría dispuesto a ingresar al gobierno si se le ofrecía el puesto de Ministro de Defensa y si Netanyahu apoyaba su proyecto de ley para imponer la pena de muerte a los terroristas. Esta tarde, Netanyahu invitó a Lieberman a reunirse y Herzog anunció que suspendería sus discusiones con Netanyahu hasta que Netanyahu decida qué tipo de gobierno quiere, es decir, según Herzog, un gobierno de miedo y aislamiento, o un gobierno de esperanza y posibilidades. Esta noche, se anunció que Yisrael Beiteinu y el Likud habían creado un comité conjunto para negociar su entrada en el gobierno. MK Stav Shafir, uno de los miembros más populares del Partido Laborista, pidió a Herzog que renunciara esta noche y dijo que lo único que traían sus negociaciones era la posibilidad de que Lieberman se convirtiera en ministro de Defensa.

Estas discusiones se llevaron a cabo a la sombra de las crecientes tensiones entre el ejército y los escalones políticos que han ido en aumento durante los últimos meses. El mes pasado esa cepa alcanzó un nivel completamente nuevo. Justamente, o no, en la mayor parte del mundo los militares tienen la reputación de ser los que toman acciones extremas, mucho más que los líderes políticos. Sin embargo, tradicionalmente ese no ha sido el caso en Israel; donde los altos mandos de las fuerzas armadas han sido políticamente cautelosos y aparentemente más conscientes de las limitaciones del poder.

Tal ha sido la posición de los militares durante las últimas guerras de Gaza, y más aún, en los últimos meses (durante el fuerte aumento del terror, perpetrado principalmente por jóvenes palestinos). Algunos miembros del gobierno de Netanyahu han pedido una acción militar más fuerte. Al mismo tiempo, muchos militares han declarado que no existe una solución militar a la actual ola de hostilidades. En el transcurso del último mes, los diferentes enfoques entre los militares y el gobierno civil se han vuelto cada vez más evidentes. Después de que un soldado israelí disparara contra un atacante sometido (un acto que aparentemente violaba las reglas militares de enfrentamiento), las acciones del soldado fueron condenadas de inmediato por los principales líderes militares, incluido el ministro de Defensa Moshe "Bogie" Ya'alon. El soldado fue arrestado de inmediato.

Al principio, el primer ministro Netanyahu condenó el tiroteo. Poco después, Netanyahu aparentemente cambió de posición, cuando los políticos de derecha (encabezados por el ministro de Educación Naftali Bennet) salieron en defensa del soldado que disparó. El primer ministro llamó a la familia del soldado acusado para expresar su simpatía, dejando a los altos mandos militares expuestos a nuevas críticas.

Luego, hace dos semanas, se desarrolló una nueva controversia, cuando el Subjefe de Estado Mayor del Ejército, el general Yair Golan pronunció un discurso en el Día del Recuerdo del Holocausto advirtiendo de ciertos fenómenos en la sociedad israelí de hoy que le recuerdan los eventos en Europa de los años 70, 80 y 90. atrás. Golán se encontró con una ola de ataques dirigidos contra él por políticos de derecha, entre ellos, el Primer Ministro. Estos legisladores reprendieron a Golan por tener la audacia de establecer cualquier conexión entre el Holocausto y los eventos que tienen lugar en Israel. Algunos pidieron la dimisión de Golan. El ministro de Defensa Ya'alon fue el único ministro del gobierno que defendió a Golán. Por su parte, Golan aclaró sus comentarios y dijo que no era su intención comparar a Israel hoy con la Alemania nazi de ninguna manera.

Durante el fin de semana, Ya'alon se encontró en el ojo de la tormenta, una vez más, cuando pronunció un discurso en el que pidió a los oficiales superiores de las FDI que no tuvieran miedo de decir lo que piensan, incluso si sus opiniones difieren de las de los políticos. liderazgo. Ya'alon fue atacado inmediatamente por numerosos políticos y fue convocado a una reunión con el Primer Ministro. Al final de la reunión se emitió una declaración conjunta, en la que Ya'alon reconoció la primacía de la rama política sobre el ejército; y Netanyahu declaró que respeta el derecho de los militares a expresar su juicio en áreas de interés profesional.

Esta controversia, sin embargo, no muestra signos de amainar. Anoche, el Canal 10 de Israel mostró una grabación secreta del comandante del área de Hebrón, el coronel Yariv Ben-Ezra, dando una sesión informativa de orientación a los oficiales del batallón de reserva que está a punto de ser desplegado allí. En la grabación, Ben-Ezra ataca al soldado que mató al palestino sometido, diciendo que no había peligro para la vida en ese caso, y que las acciones de ese soldado es lo que ha puesto en peligro a sus soldados. En la cinta, Ben-Ezra continúa diciendo que el ejército debe resistir los esfuerzos de los políticos y rabinos para influir en los soldados para que desarrollen su propio código de conflicto. Finalmente, Ben-Ezra sostiene que no existe un medio militar real para poner fin a la actual ronda de violencia, que predice que empeorará, a menos que haya un cambio general de dirección.

Con los últimos acontecimientos de esta noche, existe una posibilidad real de que Ya'alon sea reemplazado por Lieberman, un político que saltó públicamente en defensa del soldado que mató al atacante en Hebrón.


Espionaje e inteligencia, fundamentos históricos tempranos

Las civilizaciones antiguas, que comenzaron hace 6.000 años en Mesopotamia, engendraron instituciones y personas dedicadas a la seguridad y preservación de sus regímenes gobernantes. Las operaciones clandestinas y encubiertas generan la mayor intriga, pero la historia del espionaje se describe mejor en términos de la evolución de sus componentes más mundanos del oficio. A lo largo de la historia, la inteligencia se ha definido como la recopilación, selección, análisis y difusión de información crítica y estratégica. Sin embargo, su práctica e implicaciones son muy diversas.


Historia política: Historia de la política

Desde el mundo antiguo hasta el final de la Edad Media

La historia política en Occidente comienza con dos obras maestras: la historia de Herodoto y # x27 de las guerras persas, escrita entre 445 y 425 a. C. y la historia de Tucídides y # x27 del largo conflicto entre Atenas y Esparta, que comenzó en 424 a. C. y dejó inconclusa cuando Murió un cuarto de siglo después. Herodoto y Tucídides, producto del extraordinario estallido de energía cultural que transformó la Grecia de los siglos V y IV a. parte - con conciencia de la responsabilidad del historiador de establecer la verdad sobre el pasado. Ambos hombres reflexionaron sobre los problemas de la investigación histórica, la fiabilidad de los testigos presenciales y la necesidad de analizar críticamente el material original. Más que cualquier forma particular de escribir la historia, este fue su legado más significativo para los historiadores futuros ( ver Pensamiento histórico e historiografía: período clásico (especialmente Grecia y Roma).

El estudio de la historia fue más importante en Roma que en Grecia, tal vez porque los romanos siempre fueron conscientes de su compleja relación histórica con la cultura griega que habían conquistado y absorbido. Los historiadores romanos examinaron el problema de la política desde una variedad de perspectivas que escribieron sobre liderazgo e instituciones, estrategia militar e intrigas cortesanas, virtudes republicanas y ambiciones imperiales. Pero detrás de estos enfoques dispares había un tema común: los orígenes, el triunfo y, eventualmente, el declive del estado romano, que, como república e imperio, dominó la vida pública del mundo mediterráneo durante 700 años y luego continuó atormentando a los europeos y # x27 imaginación histórica hasta bien entrado el siglo XIX.

El surgimiento del cristianismo y su adopción como religión oficial del Imperio Romano transformó toda la cultura occidental, incluida la política y la historia. La contribución más inmediata del cristianismo a la historiografía política fue plantear el problema de la iglesia y el estado, que daría forma decisiva a la teoría y la práctica de la política europea desde el final del Imperio Romano hasta principios del siglo XX. A diferencia de los paganos a quienes desplazaron o de las tradiciones hebreas sobre las que construyeron, los cristianos crearon instituciones religiosas que estaban conectadas, pero no coincidían con, las fuentes de la autoridad política. “El poder espiritual y secular”, escribió Ranke (1962), “podrían acercarse y estar íntimamente relacionados, pero solo podrían fusionarse en circunstancias excepcionales y por un breve período de tiempo. Sus relaciones y conflictos proporcionan uno de los temas más importantes de la historia ". Desde la historia de la iglesia de Eusebio, que reflejó el triunfo de la conversión de Constantino a principios del siglo IV, hasta la crónica del siglo XII de Otón de Freising, Las dos ciudades, que describía el conflicto entre el imperio y el papado, a la propia historia de los papas de Ranke, que llevaba las marcas de las luchas del siglo XIX entre la iglesia y el estado, los historiadores buscaron en el pasado pistas sobre la relación adecuada entre Dios y César. , papa y emperador, altar y trono, autonomía religiosa y autoridad secular (ver Historiografía y pensamiento histórico: tradición cristiana).


Contenido

Los comerciantes alemanes establecieron un puesto comercial en Novgorod, al que llamaron Peterhof. En 1229, a los comerciantes alemanes de Novgorod se les concedieron ciertos privilegios que hicieron que sus posiciones fueran más seguras. [11]

El primer asentamiento alemán en Moscú data del reinado de Vasili III, Gran Príncipe de Moscú, de 1505 a 1533. A un puñado de artesanos y comerciantes alemanes y holandeses se les permitió establecerse en el Barrio Alemán de Moscú (Немецкая слободаo Nemetskaya sloboda), ya que proporcionaron habilidades técnicas esenciales en la capital. Gradualmente, esta política se extendió a algunas otras ciudades importantes. En 1682, Moscú tenía alrededor de 200.000 ciudadanos, unos 18.000 fueron clasificados como Nemtsy, que significa "alemán" o "extranjero occidental".

La comunidad internacional ubicada en el Barrio Alemán influyó mucho en Pedro el Grande (reinó 1682-1725). Se cree que sus esfuerzos por transformar Rusia en un estado europeo más moderno se derivaron en gran parte de sus experiencias entre los alemanes establecidos en Rusia. [ cita necesaria ] A finales del siglo XVII, los extranjeros ya no eran tan raros en las ciudades rusas, y el barrio alemán de Moscú había perdido su carácter étnico a finales de ese siglo.

Alemanes del Vístula (Polonia) Editar

A través de las guerras y las particiones de Polonia, Prusia adquirió una cantidad cada vez mayor de territorio polaco del norte, oeste y centro. El río Vístula fluye de sur a norte, con su desembocadura en el mar Báltico cerca de Danzig (ahora Gdańsk). Alemanes y holandeses establecieron su valle comenzando en la costa del mar y avanzando gradualmente hacia el sur hacia el interior. Finalmente, Prusia adquirió la mayor parte de la cuenca del Vístula y la parte central de la entonces Polonia se convirtió en Prusia del Sur. Su existencia fue breve, de 1793 a 1806, pero al final muchos colonos alemanes habían establecido asentamientos agrícolas protestantes dentro de sus fronteras anteriores. Por el contrario, la mayoría de los polacos eran católicos romanos. Algunos católicos romanos alemanes también entraron en la región desde el suroeste, especialmente el área de Silesia prusiana. El "Mapa Breyer" de 1935 muestra la distribución de los asentamientos alemanes en lo que se convirtió en el centro de Polonia.

Las victorias de Napoleón pusieron fin a la corta existencia de Prusia del Sur. El emperador francés incorporó ese y otros territorios al ducado de Varsovia. Sin embargo, después de la derrota de Napoleón en 1815, el Ducado se dividió. Prusia anexó la región occidental de Posen, y lo que ahora es el centro de Polonia se convirtió en el estado cliente ruso conocido como Congreso de Polonia. Muchos alemanes continuaron viviendo en esta región central, manteniendo su dialecto prusiano alemán medio, similar al dialecto de Silesia, y sus religiones protestante y católica. (La población rusa era principalmente ortodoxa rusa, que era la iglesia nacional establecida).

Durante la Primera y Segunda Guerra Mundial, el frente oriental fue disputado en esta área. El gobierno soviético aumentó el reclutamiento de hombres jóvenes. La tasa de migraciones de alemanes del Vístula a esta área desde el Congreso de Polonia aumentó. Sin embargo, algunos se polonizaron y sus descendientes permanecen en Polonia.

Durante el último año y después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, muchos alemanes étnicos huyeron o fueron expulsados ​​por la fuerza por los rusos y los polacos de Europa del Este, particularmente aquellos que habían mantenido su idioma alemán y religiones separadas. Los rusos y polacos los culparon de ser aliados de los nazis y la razón por la que la Alemania nazi había invadido Oriente en su programa de lebensraum. También se sostuvo que los alemanes habían abusado de las poblaciones nativas en la guerra interna, aliados con los alemanes durante su ocupación. En virtud del Acuerdo de Potsdam, los aliados acordaron importantes transferencias de población. En general, los deportados perdieron todas sus propiedades y, a menudo, fueron atacados durante sus deportaciones. Los que sobrevivieron se unieron a millones de otras personas desplazadas en el camino después de la guerra.

Alemanes del Volga (Rusia) Editar

La zarina Catalina II era alemana, nacida en Stettin en Pomerania (ahora Szczecin en Polonia). Después de obtener su poder, proclamó la inmigración abierta para los extranjeros que desearan vivir en el Imperio Ruso el 22 de julio de 1763, lo que marcó el comienzo de una ola de migración alemana al Imperio. Quería que los agricultores alemanes reconstruyeran las tierras agrícolas que habían estado en barbecho después del conflicto con los otomanos. Casi inmediatamente después se fundaron colonias alemanas en la zona baja del río Volga. Estas primeras colonias fueron atacadas durante el levantamiento de Pugachev, que se centró en el área del Volga, pero sobrevivieron a la rebelión.

La inmigración alemana fue motivada en parte por la intolerancia religiosa y la guerra en Europa central, así como por condiciones económicas frecuentemente difíciles, particularmente entre los principados del sur. La declaración de Catalina II liberó a los inmigrantes alemanes de los requisitos del servicio militar (que se les impuso a los rusos nativos) y de la mayoría de los impuestos. Colocó a los recién llegados fuera de la jerarquía feudal de Rusia y les otorgó una considerable autonomía interna. Mudarse a Rusia les dio a los inmigrantes alemanes derechos políticos que no habrían tenido en sus propias tierras. Las minorías religiosas encontraron estos términos muy agradables, particularmente los menonitas del valle del río Vístula. Su falta de voluntad para participar en el servicio militar, y su larga tradición de disentimiento de la corriente principal del luteranismo y el calvinismo, hizo que la vida bajo los prusianos fuera muy difícil para ellos. Casi todos los menonitas prusianos emigraron a Rusia durante el siglo siguiente, dejando solo un puñado en Prusia.

Otras iglesias minoritarias alemanas también se aprovecharon de la oferta de Catalina II, particularmente los cristianos evangélicos como los bautistas. Aunque la declaración de Catalina les prohibía hacer proselitismo entre los miembros de la Iglesia Ortodoxa, podían evangelizar a las minorías musulmanas y no cristianas de Rusia.

La colonización alemana fue más intensa en el Bajo Volga, pero otras áreas también recibieron inmigrantes. Muchos se establecieron en el área alrededor del Mar Negro, y los menonitas favorecieron el área inferior del río Dnieper, alrededor de Ekaterinoslav (ahora Dnipro) y Aleksandrovsk (ahora Zaporizhia).

En 1803, el nieto de Catalina II, el zar Alejandro I, reeditó su proclama. En el caos de las guerras napoleónicas, los alemanes respondieron en gran número, huyendo de su tierra devastada por la guerra. La administración del zar finalmente impuso requisitos financieros mínimos a los nuevos inmigrantes, requiriendo que tuvieran 300 florines en efectivo o habilidades especiales para ser aceptados para ingresar a Rusia.

La abolición de la servidumbre en el Imperio ruso en 1863 creó una escasez de mano de obra en la agricultura. La necesidad de trabajadores atrajo nueva inmigración alemana, particularmente de los estados de Europa central cada vez más poblados. Allí ya no había suficientes tierras fértiles para el pleno empleo en la agricultura.

Además, una parte considerable de los alemanes étnicos de Rusia emigró a Rusia desde sus posesiones polacas. Las particiones de Polonia del siglo XVIII (1772-1795) desmantelaron el estado polaco-lituano, dividiéndolo entre Austria, Prusia y Rusia. Muchos alemanes que ya vivían en esas partes de Polonia se trasladaron a Rusia, que se remonta a migraciones medievales y posteriores. Muchos alemanes en el Congreso de Polonia emigraron más al este hacia Rusia entre entonces y la Primera Guerra Mundial, particularmente después de la insurrección polaca de 1830. La insurrección polaca en 1863 agregó una nueva ola de emigración alemana desde Polonia a aquellos que ya se habían mudado al este. y condujo a la fundación de extensas colonias alemanas en Volhynia. Cuando Polonia reclamó su independencia en 1918 después de la Primera Guerra Mundial, dejó de ser una fuente de emigración alemana a Rusia, pero para entonces muchos cientos de miles de alemanes ya se habían establecido en enclaves en todo el Imperio Ruso.

Los alemanes se establecieron en el área del Cáucaso desde principios del siglo XIX y en la década de 1850 se expandieron a Crimea. En la década de 1890 se abrieron nuevas colonias alemanas en la zona montañosa de Altay en el Asia rusa (ver Asentamientos menonitas de Altai). Las áreas coloniales alemanas continuaron expandiéndose en Ucrania hasta el comienzo de la Primera Guerra Mundial.

Según el primer censo del Imperio Ruso en 1897, alrededor de 1,8 millones de encuestados dijeron que el alemán era su lengua materna.

Alemanes del Mar Negro (Moldavia y Ucrania) Editar

Los alemanes del Mar Negro, incluidos los alemanes de Besarabia y los alemanes de Dobrujan, se asentaron en los territorios de la orilla norte del Mar Negro en la actual Ucrania a finales del siglo XVIII y el XIX. Catalina la Grande había ganado esta tierra para Rusia a través de sus dos guerras con el Imperio Otomano (1768-1774) y de la anexión de los kanatos de Crimea (1783).

El área de asentamiento no se desarrolló tan compacta como la del territorio del Volga, y resultó una cadena de colonias étnicas alemanas. Los primeros colonos alemanes llegaron en 1787, primero de Prusia Occidental, seguidos por inmigrantes del oeste y suroeste de Alemania (incluidos los católicos romanos) y del área de Varsovia. También muchos alemanes, a partir de 1803, emigraron de la zona noreste de Alsacia al oeste del río Rin. Se establecieron aproximadamente a 30 millas al noreste de Odessa (ciudad) en Ucrania, formando varios enclaves que se expandieron rápidamente, lo que resultó en el surgimiento de colonias hijas cerca. [12]

A partir de 1783, la Corona inició un asentamiento sistemático de rusos, ucranianos y alemanes en la península de Crimea (en lo que entonces era el Kanato de Crimea) con el fin de diluir la población nativa de los tártaros de Crimea.

En 1939, alrededor de 60.000 de los 1,1 millones de habitantes de Crimea eran de etnia alemana. Dos años más tarde, tras el fin de la alianza y la invasión nazi alemana de la Unión Soviética, el gobierno deportó a los alemanes étnicos de Crimea a Asia Central en el programa de transferencias de población de la Unión Soviética. Las condiciones fueron duras y muchos de los deportados murieron. No fue hasta el período de la Perestroika a fines de la década de 1980 que el gobierno otorgó a los alemanes étnicos sobrevivientes y a sus descendientes el derecho a regresar de Asia Central a la península.

Alemanes de Volinia (Polonia y Ucrania) Editar

La migración de alemanes a Volhynia (a partir de 2013 [actualización] que cubre el noroeste de Ucrania desde una corta distancia al oeste de Kiev hasta la frontera con Polonia) se produjo en condiciones significativamente diferentes a las descritas anteriormente. A finales del siglo XIX, Volhynia tenía más de 200.000 colonos alemanes. [13] Su migración comenzó alentada por los nobles locales, a menudo terratenientes polacos, que querían desarrollar sus importantes propiedades en el área para uso agrícola. Probablemente el 75% o más de los alemanes provenían del Congreso de Polonia, y el saldo provenía directamente de otras regiones como Prusia Oriental y Occidental, Pomerania, Posen, Württemberg y Galicia, entre otras. Aunque los nobles ofrecieron ciertos incentivos para las reubicaciones, los alemanes de Volhynia no recibieron ninguna de las libertades especiales de impuestos y servicio militar otorgadas por el gobierno a los alemanes en otras áreas.

Poco después de 1800, las primeras familias alemanas comenzaron a mudarse a la zona. Se produjo una oleada después de la primera rebelión polaca de 1831, pero en 1850, los alemanes todavía eran solo unos 5000. La migración más grande se produjo después de la segunda rebelión polaca de 1863, y los alemanes comenzaron a inundar el área por miles. Para 1900 eran unos 200.000. La gran mayoría de estos alemanes eran protestantes luteranos (en Europa se los llamaba evangélicos). Un número limitado de menonitas de la región del bajo río Vístula se asentaron en la parte sur de Volhynia. Los bautistas y los hermanos moravos se establecieron principalmente al noroeste de Zhitomir. Otra gran diferencia entre los alemanes aquí y en otras partes de Rusia es que los otros alemanes tendían a establecerse en comunidades más grandes. Los alemanes de Volhynia estaban dispersos en más de 1400 aldeas. Aunque la población alcanzó su punto máximo en 1900, muchos alemanes ya habían comenzado a salir de Volhynia a fines de la década de 1880 hacia América del Norte y del Sur.

Entre 1911 y 1915, un pequeño grupo de agricultores alemanes de Volinia (36 familias, más de 200 personas) decidió mudarse al este de Siberia, haciendo uso de los subsidios de reasentamiento de la reforma Stolypin del gobierno de 1906-1911. Se establecieron en tres aldeas (Pikhtinsk, Sredne-Pikhtinsk y Dagnik) en lo que hoy es el distrito de Zalarinsky de la provincia de Irkutsk, donde se les conoció como los "habitantes de los insectos". Al parecer, ya no usaban el idioma alemán, sino que hablaban ucraniano y polaco. Utilizaron Biblias luteranas que habían sido impresas en Prusia Oriental, en la forma polaca conocida como fraktur. Sus descendientes, muchos de ellos con apellidos alemanes, continúan viviendo en el distrito hasta el siglo XXI. [14]

Alemanes del Cáucaso Editar

Una minoría alemana de unas 100.000 personas existía en la región del Cáucaso, en áreas como el Cáucaso Norte, Georgia y Azerbaiyán. En 1941, Joseph Stalin ordenó la deportación de todos los habitantes de padre alemán, principalmente a Siberia o Kazajstán.

Genocidio circasiano editar

El general alemán Grigory Zass, que era un oficial del ejército ruso, envió cabezas circasianas cortadas a sus compañeros alemanes en Berlín que eran profesores y las usaron para estudiar anatomía. [15] El decembrista Nikolai Ivanovich Lorer (Лорер, Николай Иванович) dijo que Zass limpió y hirvió la carne de las cabezas después de guardarlas debajo de su cama en su tienda. También tenía cabezas circasianas fuera de su tienda empaladas con lanzas en una colina. Los cadáveres de hombres circasianos fueron decapitados por mujeres ruso-cosacas en el campo de batalla después de que las batallas terminaron para que las cabezas fueran enviadas a Zass para su recolección. [16] [17] [18] [19] Zass erigió cabezas circasianas en postes fuera de su tienda y los testigos vieron el viento soplando las barbas de las cabezas. [20] A los soldados rusos y cosacos se les pagó por enviar cabezas circasianas al general Zass. [21] [22] [23] [24] Además de cortar cabezas circasianas y recogerlas, Zass empleó una estrategia deliberada de aniquilar circasianos en masa, quemando pueblos circasianos enteros con la gente en ellos y alentando la violación de mujeres y niños circasianos. [25] [26] Las fuerzas de Zass se referían a todos los ancianos circasianos, niños, mujeres y hombres como "Bandidos," saqueadores "o" ladrones "y las fuerzas del imperio ruso estaban comandadas por oficiales ferozmente partoloficos que comandaban disidentes políticos y criminales. [27] ] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] Los niños circasianos estaban asustados de Zass y fue llamado el diablo (Iblis) por los circasianos. [43]

Zass trabajó con otro oficial alemán del ejército ruso llamado Georg Andreas von Rosen durante el genocidio contra los circasianos. Zass escribió cartas a Rosen admitiendo con orgullo que ordenó a los cosacos que mataran a civiles circasianos. [44] Rusia estaba gobernada por zares de la Casa alemana de Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov y las filas de oficiales militares estaban llenas de alemanes de la nobleza alemana del Báltico.

Nikolai Yevdokimov y Grigory Zass ordenaron que sus oficiales y soldados pudieran violar a niñas circasianas de 7 años. [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [59] [60] [61 ] [62] [63] [64] Los cosacos violaron a las mujeres circasianas y las dejaron embarazadas con niños. [sesenta y cinco]

El declive de la comunidad ruso-alemana comenzó con las reformas de Alejandro II. En 1871, derogó la política de inmigración de puertas abiertas de sus antepasados, poniendo fin de manera efectiva a cualquier nueva inmigración alemana al Imperio. Aunque las colonias alemanas continuaron expandiéndose, fueron impulsadas por el crecimiento natural y por la inmigración de alemanes de Polonia.

El nacionalismo ruso que echó raíces bajo Alejandro II sirvió como justificación para eliminar en 1871 la mayor parte de los privilegios fiscales de que disfrutaban los alemanes rusos, y después de 1874 fueron sometidos al servicio militar. Solo después de largas negociaciones, a los menonitas, tradicionalmente una denominación pacifista, se les permitió prestar un servicio alternativo en la forma de trabajo en la silvicultura y el cuerpo médico. El descontento resultante motivó a muchos alemanes rusos, especialmente a miembros de iglesias tradicionalmente disidentes, a emigrar a Estados Unidos y Canadá, mientras que muchos católicos eligieron Brasil y Argentina. Se trasladaron principalmente a las Grandes Llanuras de Estados Unidos y el oeste de Canadá, especialmente Dakota del Norte, Dakota del Sur, Nebraska, Kansas y Colorado a Canadá Manitoba y Saskatchewan, y Alberta a Brasil, especialmente Paraná, Santa Catarina y Rio Grande do Sul y Argentina. especialmente al Sur de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Provincia de Entre Ríos y Provincia de La Pampa. Dakota del Norte y Dakota del Sur atrajeron principalmente a los alemanes de Odessa (área del Mar Negro) de Rusia, mientras que Nebraska y Kansas atrajeron principalmente a los alemanes del Volga de Rusia. La mayoría de los alemanes de Volhynia eligió Canadá como su destino y un número significativo más tarde emigró a los Estados Unidos. También se produjeron pequeños asentamientos en otras regiones, como los alemanes del Volga y Volhynian en el suroeste de Michigan, los alemanes de Volhynian en Wisconsin y el Congreso de Polonia y los alemanes de Volhynian en Connecticut.

Después de 1881, los alemanes rusos debieron estudiar ruso en la escuela y perdieron todos los privilegios especiales que les quedaban. Muchos alemanes permanecieron en Rusia, particularmente aquellos a los que les había ido bien cuando Rusia comenzó a industrializarse a fines del siglo XIX. Los alemanes rusos estaban representados de manera desproporcionada entre los ingenieros, comerciantes técnicos, industriales, financieros y grandes terratenientes de Rusia.

La Primera Guerra Mundial fue la primera vez que Rusia entró en guerra contra Alemania desde la era napoleónica, y rápidamente se sospechó que los alemanes rusos tenían simpatías enemigas. Los alemanes que vivían en el área de Volhynia fueron deportados a las colonias alemanas en el río Volga bajo en 1915 cuando Rusia comenzó a perder la guerra. Muchos alemanes rusos fueron exiliados a Siberia por el gobierno del zar como enemigos del estado, generalmente sin juicio ni evidencia. En 1916, se emitió una orden para deportar también a los alemanes del Volga hacia el este, pero la Revolución Rusa impidió que esto se llevara a cabo.

Las lealtades de los alemanes rusos durante la revolución variaron. Si bien muchos apoyaron a las fuerzas realistas y se unieron al Ejército Blanco, otros estaban comprometidos con el Gobierno Provisional de Alexander Kerensky, con los bolcheviques e incluso con fuerzas más pequeñas como la de Nestor Makhno. Los alemanes rusos, incluidos los menonitas y los evangélicos, lucharon en todos los bandos en la Revolución Rusa y la Guerra Civil. Aunque algunos alemanes rusos eran muy ricos, otros eran bastante pobres y simpatizaban fuertemente con sus vecinos eslavos. Los alemanes rusos educados tenían la misma probabilidad de tener simpatías izquierdistas y revolucionarias como la intelectualidad étnicamente rusa.

En el caos de la Revolución Rusa y la guerra civil que la siguió, muchos alemanes étnicos fueron desplazados dentro de Rusia o emigraron de Rusia por completo. El caos que rodeó la Guerra Civil Rusa fue devastador para muchas comunidades alemanas, particularmente para los disidentes religiosos como los menonitas. Muchos menonitas responsabilizan particularmente a las fuerzas de Nestor Makhno en Ucrania de la violencia a gran escala contra su comunidad.

This period was also one of regular food shortages, caused by famine and the lack of long-distance transportation of food during the fighting. Coupled with the typhus epidemic and famine of the early 1920s, [66] as many as a third of Russia's Germans may have perished. Russian German organisations in the Americas, particularly the Mennonite Central Committee, organised famine relief in Russia in the late 1920s. As the chaos faded and the Soviet Union's position became more secure, many Russian Germans simply took advantage of the end of the fighting to emigrate to the Americas. Emigration from the Soviet Union came to a halt in 1929 by Stalin's decree, leaving roughly one million Russian Germans within Soviet borders.

The Soviet Union seized the farms and businesses of Russian Germans, along with all other farms and businesses, when Stalin ended Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy in 1929 and began the forced collectivization of agriculture and liquidation of large land holdings.

Nonetheless, Soviet nationalities policy had, to some degree, restored the institutions of Russian Germans in some areas. In July 1924, the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was founded, giving the Volga Germans some autonomous German language institutions. The Lutheran church, like nearly all religious affiliations in Russia, was ruthlessly suppressed under Stalin. But, for the 600,000-odd Germans living in the Volga German ASSR, German was the language of local officials for the first time since 1881.

As a result of the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, Stalin decided to deport the German Russians to internal exile and forced labor in Siberia and Central Asia. It is evident that, at this point, the regime considered national minorities with ethnic ties to foreign states, such as Germans, potential fifth columnists. On 12 August 1941, the Central Committee of the Communist Party decreed the expulsion of the Volga Germans, allegedly for treasonous activity, from their autonomous republic on the lower Volga. On 7 September 1941, the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was abolished and about 438,000 Volga Germans were deported. In subsequent months, an additional 400,000 ethnic Germans were deported to Siberia from their other traditional settlements such as Ukraine and the Crimea.

The Soviets were not successful in expelling all German settlers living in the Western and Southern Ukraine, however, due to the rapid advance of the Wehrmacht (German Army). The secret police, the NKVD, was able to deport only 35% of the ethnic Germans from Ukraine. Thus in 1943, the Nazi German census registered 313,000 ethnic Germans living in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union. With the Soviet re-conquest, the Wehrmacht evacuated about 300,000 German Russians and brought them back to the Reich. Because of the provisions of the Yalta Agreement, all former Soviet citizens living in Germany at war's end had to be repatriated, most by force. More than 200,000 German Russians were deported, against their will, by the Allies and sent to the Gulag . Thus, shortly after the end of the war, more than one million ethnic Germans from Russia were in special settlements and labor camps in Siberia and Central Asia. It is estimated that 200,000 to 300,000 died of starvation, lack of shelter, over-work, and disease during the 1940s. [67]

On 26 November 1948, Stalin made the banishment permanent, declaring that Russia's Germans were permanently forbidden from returning to Europe, but this was rescinded after his death in 1953. Many Russian Germans returned to European Russia, but quite a few remained in Soviet Asia.

Although the post-Stalin Soviet state no longer persecuted ethnic Germans as a group, their Soviet republic was not re-founded. Many Germans in Russia largely assimilated and integrated into Russian society. There were some 2 million ethnic Germans in the Soviet Union in 1989. [68] Soviet Union census revealed in 1989 that 49% of the German minority named German their mother tongue. According to the 1989 Soviet census, 957,518 citizens of German origin, or 6% of total population, lived in Kazakhstan, [69] and 841,295 Germans lived in Russia including Siberia. [70]

Perestroika opened the Soviet borders and witnessed the beginnings of a massive emigration of Germans from the Soviet Union. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, large numbers of Russian Germans took advantage of Germany's liberal law of return to leave the harsh conditions of the Soviet successor states. [71] The German population of Kyrgyzstan has practically disappeared, and Kazakhstan has lost well over half of its roughly one million Germans. The drop in the Russian Federation's German population was smaller, but still significant. A very few Germans returned to one of their ancestral provinces: about 6,000 settled in Kaliningrad Oblast (former East Prussia).

Since migrating to Russia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Germans had adopted many of the Slavic traits and cultures and formed a special group known as "rossiskie nemtsy", or Russian Germans. [72] Recently, Russian Germans have become of national interest to Germany and to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). [73] Although ethnic Germans were no longer persecuted, their pre-Bolshevik lives and villages were not re-founded. Many Germans integrated into Soviet society where they now continue to live. The displaced Germans are unable to return to their ancestral lands in the Volga River Valley or the Black Sea regions, because in many instances, those villages no longer exist after being destroyed during Stalin's regime. In 1990, approximately 45,000 Russian Germans, or 6% of the population, lived in the former German Volga Republic. [74] During the late twentieth century, three-quarters of Russian Germans were living in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tadzhikistan and Uzbekistan), South-West Siberia and Southern Urals. [75]

Starting in the 1970s, a push-pull effect began that would influence where Russian Germans would eventually live. Because of a bad economy, tensions increased between autochthonous groups and recently settled ethnic minorities living in Central Asia. [76] This strain worsened after the Afghanistan War began in 1979. [76] Germans and other Europeans felt culturally and economically pressured to leave these countries, and moved to the Russian Republic. This migration continued into the 1990s. [76]

During Perestroika in the 1980s, the Soviet borders were opened and the beginnings of a massive migration of Germans from the Soviet Union occurred. Entire families, and even villages, would leave their homes and relocate together in Germany or Austria. [76] This was because they needed to show the German Embassy certain documents, such as a family Bible, as proof that their ancestors were originally from Germany. [77] This meant if a family member stayed in the Soviet Union, but then decided to leave later, they would be unable to because they would no longer have the necessary paperwork. Also, Russian German villages were pretty much self-sustaining so if an individual that was necessary for that community, such as a teacher, mechanic or blacksmith left, then the entire village might disappear because it was hard to find a replacement for these vital community members. [78]

Legal and economic pull factors contributed to Russian Germans decision to move to Germany. They were given special legal status of Aussiedler (exiles from former German territories or of German descent) which gave them instant German citizenship, the right to vote, unlimited work permit, the flight from Moscow to Frankfurt (with all of their personal belongings and household possessions), job training, and unemployment benefits for three years. [79]

Russian Germans from South-West Siberia received a completely different treatment than the Germans living in Central Asia. [ why? ] Local authorities were persuading Germans to stay by creating two self-governing districts. [73] [ dudoso - discutir ]

The All-Union Society Wiedergeburt (Renaissance) was founded in 1989 to encourage Russian Germans to move back to, and restore the Volga Republic. [80] This plan was not successful because Germany interfered with the discussions and created diplomatic friction, which resulted in Russian opposition to this project. [ dudoso - discutir ] [ cita necesaria ] A couple of those problems were the two sides could not put aside their differences and agree on certain principles such as the meaning of the word "rehabilitation". [81] They also neglected the economic reasons why Russia wanted to entice Russian Germans back to the Volga. In 1992, Russian Germans and Russian officials finally agreed on a plan, but Germany did not approve it. [82]

On 21 February 1992, Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation, signed a German-Russian Federation agreement with Germany to restore citizenship to Russian Germans. [83] This Federal Program intended to gradually restore the homeland of Russian Germans, and their descendants, in the former Republic of Volga, thus encouraging Russian Germans to immigrate back to Russia. [84] It would also guarantee the national and cultural identity of Russian Germans would be preserved, such as their culture, language and religion. [85] At the same time, it would not block or regulate their right to leave if they decide to do so at a later point. [86]

Events for a separate territory proceeded differently in Siberia, because financially stable Russian German settlements already existed. Siberian officials were economically driven to keep their skilled Russian German citizens and not see them leave for other republics or countries. [82] In the late 1980s, 8.1% of Russian Germans lived in the county of Altay in South-West Siberia and they controlled one-third of profitable farms. [87]

In early 1990, a few ideas offered to the Officer of Exiles (the bureau in charge of emigrants after arriving in Germany) in order to retain Russian Germans, or to promote their return included the suggestion that the necessary important village specialists (mechanics, teachers, doctors, etc.) should be offered incentives such as Trade Associations and additional training in order to keep, or to attract them to Russia. Russian German schools and universities should also be reopened. A third idea is to establish a financial institution that would motivate individuals to buy homes, and start farms or small businesses. [88] Unfortunately, proposed initiatives have not gained traction and have not been instituted due to corruption, incompetency and inexperience. [89] The Association for Germans Abroad (VDA) contracted with the business Inkoplan, to move families from Central Asia at vastly inflated costs. This resulted in VDA and Inkoplan personnel pocketing the difference. [90] Examples of incompetency and inexperience included: VDA falsely projected the idea all Russian Germans wanted to leave their present homes and lives and move to the Volga region where they would start over. [90] The Home Office was not fluent in the Russian language or familiar with foreign cultures abroad and this created many misunderstandings between various groups. [91] Because of these actions by the Home Office, the migration back to Germany continues. Over 140,000 individuals migrated to Germany from CIS in 1990 and 1991, and almost 200,000 people migrated in 1992. [78]


Deadlock

Until the late 1920s Japanese leaders generally supported the ideal, if not the practice, of economic liberalism. Their attempts to integrate the Japanese economy into a liberal world order, however, became frustrated in the early 1930s when the depressed western economies placed barriers on Japanese trade to protect their own colonial markets.

Many Japanese believed that the structure of international peace embodied in the League of Nations favoured the western nations that controlled the world's resources. Moreover, the west had acted hypocritically by blocking Japanese emigration through anti-Asian immigration laws in the 1920s.

. the idea began to emerge in Japan of an East Asian federation or cooperative body .

As a result, the idea began to emerge in Japan of an East Asian federation or cooperative body, based on traditional pan-Asian ideals of universal brotherhood (hakko ichiu - eight corners of the world under one roof) and an 'Asia for Asians' liberationist rhetoric.

The Japanese aggression in Manchuria in 1931 was in this context, and was justified on the basis of the Manchurian-Mongolian seimeisen or 'lifeline' argument - the idea that Japan's economy was deadlocked. Three factors creating this deadlock loomed large - the shortage of raw materials in Japan, the rapidly expanding Japanese population, and the division of the world into economic blocs.


In Bradbury's classic dystopia, firemen don't put out fires. They burn books, which are illegal. And citizens are encouraged not to think or reflect, but instead "be happy."

Buy the 50th-anniversary edition for an interview with Bradbury on the book's classic status and contemporary relevance.


5/18/2016 Tensions with military- Political Intrigue - History

ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL SECURITY SITUATION IN SYRIA (PURSUANT TO NSC ACTION 1290–d) AND RECOMMENDED ACTION

I Nature of the Security Threat

1. The primary security threat in Syria arises from inherent instability of the government, a characteristic of all governments holding office during the last eight years, and the thinly veiled intervention in her internal affairs by at least five states (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the Soviet Union and France. See section V.) Coups d’état, political assassinations, armed uprisings and threats of armed foreign intervention are characteristics of the existing situation. Another factor is apathy toward Communism on the part of politicians and army officers. There are no indications that this situation is likely to improve in the foreseeable future. 2. Against this background, the Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party ( ASRP ) opportunist political leaders who hold key positions of power in the present government, and the Communist Party of Syria are capable of bringing about future deterioration of Syrian internal security. 3. The ASRP , a left wing party, currently possesses the greatest direct subversive strength in Syria because of its following within the Army, its strength in the Legislature (15%), and its relationships with independent political figures who hold key Ministries of the government. 4. A considerable number of officers in the Army support the ASRP , and the party has collaborated with senior army officers in protecting the strong position of the army in Syrian affairs. Through its strength in the armed forces the ASRP , with Communist support, is backing a campaign to suppress the political opposition, particularly the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), whose leaders are now in prison or in hiding. 5. The ASRP controls a bloc of seventeen seats plus five supporters out of 142 in the Chamber of Deputies and ranks second in strength among the organized parties. It advocates Syrian opposition to the international policies of the Western powers, nationalization of major economic enterprises, and sweeping social reforms for the benefit of worker and peasant. It opposes Syro-Iraqi union under Hashimite control. 6. The Communist Party, although declared illegal in December 1947, has nevertheless operated continuously with sporadic success to the present. Repressed during the Shishakli regime (1951–1954) it was forced to restrict its overt activities, but continued to work through front organizations and other clandestine media. Since mid-1945 it has operated in a near-overt manner with considerable success. At present it exercises political influence disproportionate to its actual strength through extensive propaganda activity, collaboration with other political parties (particularly the ASRP ) and leaders of the government, infiltration of the army, the security forces and other government offices. It supports and exploits for its own purposes anti-West, neutralist and ultranationalist elements, as well as minority groups. 7. The Communist Party of Syria is organically united with the Communist Party of Lebanon. It provides guidance as well as safe haven and other assistance to the Communist Parties of Iraq and Jordan, and some support for the Tudeh Party of Iran. It cooperates, both in Syria and Lebanon, with the USSR in the production and distribution of propaganda throughout the Middle East. Small in size and overcentralized in leadership, the Communist Party of Syria and Lebanon is nevertheless the largest, best organized and best led Communist Party of the Arab world. 8. Its Syrian membership is estimated at 10,000, of whom about 600 are considered “hard core” militants. Consistent collaborating non-members probably number at least 2,000 more. Party membership is largely drawn from the Armenian and Kurdish minorities, [Page 532] and the Orthodox Christian communities. Both the Christian and Moslem members of the Party come from intellectual, student and professional groups, in spite of repeated efforts of the leadership to recruit workers and peasants. 9. The Communist Party has significantly infiltrated the ASRP through efforts which began at least four years ago. In addition, the ASRP leadership as well as some independent candidates in the elections of September 1954 have consciously accepted Communist support even though they did not participate in the Communist dominated National Front. For example, Khalid Al Asm , most influential of individual political leaders and who aspires to the Presidency of Syria is an opportunist who has collaborated with the ASRP and the Communist Party both in electoral campaigns and in governmental matters. Communist collaboration with other parties has not given it control of any of those parties, but has served well the Communist aim of seriously weakening pro-Western forces and those most likely to oppose future Communist activities. 10. Through various front groups Communist influence on political parties of all complexions is being exerted both directly and indirectly. With more than 25 of these operating simultaneously in the confused Syrian scene, it is difficult if not impossible to assess accurately the full extent of the Communist assets and strength. Of the fronts, the Partisans of Peace are by far the most important. In addition, the Communist Party has secured control of several member unions in the largest labor federation and have undermined and demoralized the non-Communist leadership of the labor movement. Communist inroads amongst labor leaders in Syria are such that the Party threatens to effect control of the movement within two or three years. The Communists have also infiltrated Syria’s educational and religious institutions. The teaching profession is penetrated with sympathizers and student organizations are prime targets for activity. The largest Christian community, the Greek Orthodox, has been influenced by Soviet propaganda and even prominent Moslem leaders have been affected by the Communist appeal to xenophobic interests.

II Existing Internal Security Forces and National Military Forces

A. Primary Internal Security Forces

11. Syria’s 5,000 non-military internal security forces include a National Gendarmérie of 2800, a Desert Patrol of 400 and 1800 police. The gendarmérie and police are disposed in strategically located posts throughout the country. One desert patrol company is located in Central Syria and the other in Eastern Syria. Equipment is primarily small arms with very few crew-served weapons and no [Page 533] artillery or armored vehicles. The standard of training is very low and the police and gendarmérie are generally inefficient. 12. In addition to the uniformed police described above, the police services include the Sûreté–a plain-clothes service of 300 men having certain intelligence functions, such as collection of political intelligence, counter-espionage, and control of foreigners within Syria. The Sûreté, partly because of internal organizational difficulties and partly because of the mass use of untrained informers, does not produce high-quality, domestic intelligence. To some extent its counter-subversive activities clash with those of the Deuxieme Bureau (Intelligence Branch) of the Army General Staff. The Deuxieme Bureau also operates agent and informer nets which conduct espionage and counter-espionage operations, gather political information and conduct surveillance on foreigners. Both the positive and the counter-espionage activities of the Deuxieme Bureau suffer from lack of trained personnel and from frequent changes in leadership. Duplication, misplacement of effort and indiscriminate compiling of information of dubious value are the result. Both the Sûreté and the Deuxieme Bureau are believed to possess fairly comprehensive files on Communists, but the majority of these are out of date. Local security officers continue to utilize their agents and activities against the CPS and are believed to keep generally informed of the Communist Party membership, organization and activities.

13. Army: The Syrian Army of 35,200 is organized into six infantry brigades, 1 armored brigade, 5 artillery battalions and 1 commando battalion. Weapons and vehicles include 382 field artillery and heavy infantry weapons, 87 tanks and self-propelled weapons and 150 transport vehicles. 14. The Communist Party has made considerable progress in infiltrating the Army. Communist officers in the junior ranks are known to be spreading Party doctrine without effective interference from officers in staff positions, many of whom have leftist sympathies. Control of the important army information program, which includes publication of periodicals and conduct of orientation courses for the troops, is presently in the hands of a Communist. To some extent a pro-Iraqi element in the army tends to offset ASRP and Communist influence. 15. The Syrian Navy is an arm of the Syrian Army, and its combat effectiveness and capabilities are negligible. 16. The Syrian Air Force of 1,552 has about 100 aircraft and is capable of assisting the Army in maintaining internal security. [Page 534]

III Evaluation of the Internal Security Situation

17. In spite of weaknesses (Communist penetration, inefficiency, instability and lack of firm direction at the top) of Syria’s internal security and military forces, the Syrian Communist organization is not at present sufficiently strong to take over the government. In fact, the Communist Party does not appear to have as its immediate objective seizure of power. Rather it seeks to destroy national unity, to strengthen support for Soviet policies and opposition to Western policies and to exacerbate tensions in the Arab world. It has made significant progress towards these objectives. 18. Because of Communist penetration, factionalism and lack of active encouragement from those holding political power, the non-military security forces are unable to restrict the further expansion of Communist propaganda, agitation and penetration. However, it should be noted that under the government of Shishakli and with the direction of an experienced officer existing police resources were capable of controlling the Communist Party. 19. If properly led the police and gendarmérie have sufficient manpower and equipment to control Communist-inspired civil disturbances. The Army, however, would be required to assist in suppression of any Communist insurrection. 20. There would seem to be little question that the Syrian Army if properly led could maintain internal security in the foreseeable future, including the suppression of any Communist uprising, but continued Communist success among the junior officers in the Army, coupled with the existing influence of supporters of the Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party, increases the danger that the Army will aid rather than oppose extreme left-wing elements. 21. Given a continuance of trends of the last year, there is real danger that Syria may fall largely under control of the ASRP either through a coup d’état on the part of elements of the army or a gradual increase of ASRP political strength. This would result in either case in increased Communist penetration of government and army and consequent extension of Communist influence. 22. It is not likely that … Iraq would allow in Syria establishment of an openly Communist regime. However, they would be less likely to intervene against an ASRP -dominated government.

IV Inventory of U.S. Programs Bearing on Internal Security

23. No military, economic or technical assistance is currently programmed for Syria, although $5.0 million in economic aid has been “promised” for FY 1956 if Syria cooperates with Mr. Eric Johnston 2 [Page 535] in working out a settlement of the Jordan River dispute. As for technical assistance, it cannot be said at this time whether there will be any program in FY 1956. The problem continues to be the unwillingness of the Syrian Government to conclude the basic agreement which the U.S. considers a condition precedent to assistance of any kind. 24. A small information program , conducted by USIA with five men and an annual budget of about $100,000, operates in what can only be described as a discouraging atmosphere. It is difficult at best to reach the government through this program and, as much of the press is bribed by … foreign countries, only partial success has been achieved in placing USIA material before the public. Syrian touchiness on their minority problems militates against any USIA effort to reach these groups (although much of the USIA material in the Kurdish vernacular originating from our Iraq information centers is believed to reach the Kurdish population living in Syria). 25. Through the Exchange Program ( PL 402) we have been able to send four or five men to Syria each year to lecture and tour the country, but Syrian hostility and xenophobia and administrative obstructions have reduced almost to nothing our efforts to bring qualified Syrians to the U.S. on Exchange fellowships under this program.

V Political Factors Bearing on Internal Security Programs and Feasibility of U.S. Assistance.

26. Of all the Arab states Syria is at the present time the most wholeheartedly devoted to a neutralist policy with strong anti-Western overtones. This appears to be due primarily to three factors: (1) extreme bitterness over Palestine, and hostility towards the Western powers (particularly the U.S. and the U.K.) who are regarded as the creators and supporters of Israel (2) the popular tendency among the Moslem Arabs to seek a neutral position (with an anti-“imperialist” flavor) between West and East (3) because of economic self-sufficiency and a feeling of geographic distance from the U.S.S.R. the Syrians, unlike the other Arabs, see no need to look to the West for support or help. 27. Moreover the growth of Soviet influence in Syria has definitely increased over the past year and a half, largely due to the Soviet tactic of backing Arab causes in the UN , further contributing to Syrian anti-Western sentiments. 28. The basic factors in the current political situation in Syria are: (1) the opportunism of the political figures who currently control the government: Foreign Minister Khalid Al Asm General Shuqayr , the Army Chief of Staff, and Prime Minister Sabri Al Asali . [Page 536] These men, though not themselves leftists, are cooperating with or accepting the support of the leftist, Communist-infiltrated Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party and its army supporters in order to further their own personal, political interests (2) the disproportionate political influence of the aggressive, leftist anti-Western ASRP and allied army officer groups (3) the demoralization and fragmentation of Conservative and relatively pro-Western political elements such as the Populist Party, the bulk of the Nationalist Party and conservative independent politicians (4) Egyptian and Saudi Arabian intrigue and pressure to prevent closer Syria-Iraq relations and encourage Syrian hostility to the Turkey-Iraq pact and Iraqi intrigue and pressure in the opposite direction (5) French intrigue to maintain France’s “special position” in Syria (6) Egyptian, Saudi Arabian and French support of anti-Iraqi and anti-Western left-wing and opportunist elements (7) a tendency among politicians and the public to encourage and accept Soviet support on Arab-Israel issues and to stress the importance of good Soviet-Syrian relations. This tendency is an outgrowth of the resentment against Israel and against the U.S. as the power primarily responsible for Israel’s existence. 29. It is unlikely that the political situation in Syria or Syrian attitudes will change significantly in the near future in the absence of the development and successful execution by the U.S. of policies for the Near East designed to improve the situation in Syria. Such policies might, for example, include: (1) taking a firmer line with Israel, and insisting on an equitable settlement of the Jordan River water problem and the Syria-Israel boundary problem (2) bringing Lebanon and Jordan into the Turkey-Iraq Pact (this in the long run might tend to pull Syria in the same direction) action aimed at diminishing Egyptian, Saudi Arabian and French support of leftist, neutralist and anti-American elements in Syria. 30. If the present trend continues there is a strong possibility that a Communist-dominated Syria will result, threatening the peace and stability of the area and endangering the achievement of our objectives in the Near East.

31. Since neither the present Syrian Government nor any successor which the Syrians themselves are likely to install will take effective action against communist subversion and check the trend toward communist control, the strengthening of Syrian internal security forces will not in these circumstances prevent communist domination of Syria. In fact, strengthening these forces could simply serve to perpetuate the hold of an undesirable government on Syria. [Page 537] Therefore it is recommended that the United States not attempt to strengthen Syrian internal security forces. 32. In view of the foregoing and in view of the grave dangers presented to U.S. objectives in the area by the possibility of Syria’s coming under a communist-dominated regime, the OCB working group concerned ( NSC 5428, 3 Near East area) should give priority consideration to developing courses of action in the Near East designed to affect the situation in Syria and to recommending specific steps to combat communist subversion.

Responsible Agency: OCB Working Group on NSC 5428 Timing: To begin at once.

Source: Department of State, OCB Files: Lot 62 D 430, Syria. Ultra secreto. On December 21, 1954, the National Security Council directed the Operations Coordinating Board to develop a program for providing assistance to countries considered vulnerable to Communist subversion. The program, brought into being by NSC Action No. 1290–d, was designed to assist those countries in developing indigenous forces adequate to combat any internal security threat. For text of NSC Action No. 1290–d, see Foreign Relations, 1952–1954, vol. II, Part 1, p. 844.

An original version of this paper, dated June 27, was discussed at the July 6 OCB luncheon meeting, where it was decided that the paper ought to be withdrawn. The paper printed here is the revised version. (Annotated Agenda, OCB Meeting—July 13 Department of State, OCB Files: Lot 62 D 430) No copy of the original paper has been found. The source text is attached to a covering memorandum from Executive Officer of the OCB , Elmer B. Staats , to the Operations Coordinating Board dated June 27.

Members of the OCB Working Group responsible for the preparation of the paper printed here included: Henry S. Villard (DOS), Major General Robert E. Hogaboom ( USMC ), Major General J.D. Balmer ( CIA ), Lieutenant Colonel Bergen B. Hovell ( FOA ), and Dr. H.S. Craig, substituting for Livingston Satterthwaite ( OCB ).

According to the minutes of the July 13 OCB meeting, the Board took note of the paper and held it for final action until all 1290–d country reports had been completed. ( Ibid., Syria) The Board finally approved the paper, with the exception of paragraph 33 which was deleted, on December 14. A copy of the final paper is ibid . See also Document 317.


The other players

The friction between Greece and Turkey affects many more countries than just the leading two players. For instance, the European Union as a whole is at risk of being drawn into a confrontation not only between an EU member and a powerful Asian nation but between two members of NATO.

While that might sound like bad news for Turkey, this puts the EU itself at risk of confrontation between member states in a coalition centered around whose interests lie with Turkey, Greece, or some other effected third-party nation.


Base de datos de la Segunda Guerra Mundial

ww2dbase On 11 Nov 1918, at the end of WW1, Poland returned to the map of Europe for the first time for 123 years. Józef Pilsudski, who ruled Poland from 1918 until his death in 1935, quickly established rather effective legal, transportation, administrative, and military systems under a dictatorial regime.

ww2dbase Economically, Poland had a relatively prosperous 1920s, but the global depression of the 1930s hit the country rather hard, especially considering the rapid population growth. The conservative government spending habits did little to increase the monetary supply in the Polish economy, though the Polish government did develop very advanced socialist programs.

ww2dbase During the inter-war years, Poland's greatest achievement was in the realm of foreign policy. Pilsudski laid out a careful circle of friends in the diplomatic arena, first allying with France to restrain Germany from the thought of invasion from the west, then allied with neighboring Hungary and Romania to discourage aggression from the Soviet Union in the east. In 1932, Poland signed a non-aggression treaty with the Soviet Union that calmed relations and reduced the incidents on the eastern border. In 1934, a similar treaty was signed with Germany to reduce tension and to normalize trade. On the surface, this seemed to have eased German's frustration with East Prussia having been separated from Germany Proper after the creation of Poland.

ww2dbase Militarily, the Polish Navy was small but strong enough to counter a modest attack from the Baltic Sea, the Polish Air Force was highly advanced with the world's only all-metal air fleet, and the Polish Army was unified and enjoyed high prestige. However, as the 1930s went on, politicians who controlled the armed forces, despite top leadership's military origins, did not effectively manage the build-up to its maximum potential during peace time, and the Polish military fell behind its neighboring counterparts as quickly as it had grown.

ww2dbase To bolster diplomatic and military efforts, the Polish dedicated many resources to the field of intelligence. As early as the early 1930s, Polish mathematicians from the University of Poznan cracked German and Soviet military codes, therefore the Polish military was able to monitor military deployments of the two neighboring powers.

ww2dbase As Europe moved toward war, Czechoslovakia and Poland drew closer in the face of the potential common enemy, Germany. The two countries negotiated toward an alliance where Poland would gain partial ownership of the Skoda weapons plants for the promise that Poland would come to the aid of Czechoslovakia should a German invasion take place. When Germany annexed Czechoslovakia, however, Poland turned on its ally and took part in the partition of the country, capturing a small piece of eastern Czechoslovakia (the territory of Treschen and the nearby Bohumin rail junction) in Mar 1939. Although Germany and Poland had been debating over the Danzig issue, Poland did not realize Germany would soon turn on Poland until it was too late.

ww2dbase On 1 Sep 1939, after a series of purposefully-made unacceptable ultimatums, German troops poured across the Polish border after staging a bogus border incident. The Polish forces fought back fiercely, outperforming the German Army in the few occasions where the two forces were evenly matched. The more modernized and mobile German military, with ample air support, made those situations rare, however, by simply out-maneuvering the Polish forces. On 5 Sep, Poland moved its military headquarters to southeastern Poland, with the intention of allowing its top generals to continue the fight while northern Poland was being overrun. This prolonged the war gave allied France and the United Kingdom more time to launch a counterattack against Germany (which would never happen), but it also created much confusion between the political and military leaders, making the defense effort uncoordinated. The prospect of French and British intervention and the Polish military's ability to inflict high casualties against the oncoming Germans gave Poland some hope, but the optimism took a decisive hit when the Soviet Union invaded from the east on 17 Sep 1939. Poland surrendered on 28 Sep, and coordinated military resistance ceased by the first week of Oct.

ww2dbase After the conquest, Eastern Poland was occupied by Soviet forces. Western Poland was annexed by Germany. Central Poland was governed by a German military government. Economically, the occupation forces looted Poland, with the Germans taking large portions of the produce without regard to the starvation of the people, while the Soviets uprooted Polish industries and relocated them to the east. Politically, the Soviets planted intrigue and fostered violence between Jews and ethnic Ukrainians, while the Germans did the same between Christians and Jews. Both sides created slave labor from the population, while leaving the conquered and dismembered country to suffer starvation and disease.

ww2dbase In Jun 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, and eastern Poland became one of the first battlefields. As the Soviet occupiers fled east, the German Einsatzgruppen units moved in immediately after them. Polish towns and villages that had survived the Soviet NVKD now faced German mobile killing squads. These squads systematically rounded up Jews, potential political opponents, and even innocent civilians for detention or massacre. Throughout the WW2 period, German mass killings, particularly against Jews, increased in efficiency and ruthlessness. The most infamous was the use of gas chambers, which began at the Auschwitz Concentration camp in occupied Poland on 3 Sep 1941. Within months, entire trains were dedicated to bringing Jews and other unwanted peoples for extermination.

ww2dbase Many groups of armed Polish resistance existed during the war. The group that posed the greatest threat to the German and Soviet occupiers was the Home Army (Armia Krajowa). The AK, which absorbed smaller resistance groups, was more so a secret underground government than a mere guerrilla force. In addition to having a military chain-of-command, it also maintained schools, industries, radio stations, and publishing services for the Polish people. The military wing of the AK initially opposed frequent confrontations with German forces in order to preserve strength, particularly with the brutal retribution attacks on civilians in mind. That restraint was lifted on 1 Aug 1944 as Soviet troops neared Warsaw. Although the Polish still held the Soviets, the AK thought the Soviet troops would, at least temporarily, ally themselves with the Polish resistance fighters for the common goal of removing German forces from Warsaw. When Warsaw would become liberated, AK leaders would then be able to claim legitimacy for being those who liberated the capital. Resistance fighters rose up as ordered against great odds, destroying German armored vehicles and killing many occupation soldiers. Adolf Hitler, furious, ordered the occupation force to systematically level entire sections of Warsaw until the city was nothing more than a pile of rubble. As the fighting continued and Polish resistance strength slowly waned, Soviet forces stood by. Furthermore, the Soviet Union even refused the Western Allies from using Soviet air bases to mount supply operations for the Polish resistance. As the Germans brutally quelled the uprising, Joseph Stalin's intentions were, belatedly, crystal clear. Tactically, the Soviets were letting the Germans to expend ammunition and lives. Strategically, Stalin, who had a puppet regime for post-war Poland already in mind, saw this as an opportunity to remove future political opposition.

During the occupation between 1939 and 1945, an estimated 5,200,000 civilians died as a direct result that number alone was staggering without needing to stress the fact that it amounted to 15% of the 1939 population of Poland.

ww2dbase The liberation of Poland by the Soviet Union was a repeat of the 1939 conquest. The Soviets once again looted all they could from Poland, and the people starved. As the Western Allies turned a blind eye to the Soviet treatment of Poland, the AK fell apart without western support. Polish border was redrawn as Stalin pleased. Eastern Poland, conquered by the Soviets during the 1939 invasion, was annexed. To justify the territorial loss, the Allies granted Poland eastern portions of Germany. The border changes resulted in forced population relocations, which led to further human suffering. With a Moscow-backed puppet government in place in Warsaw, Poland remain independent in name only until the end of the Cold War.

ww2dbase Sources:
John Radzilowski, A Traveller's History of Poland
William Shirer, El ascenso y la caída del Tercer Reich


Humility and Humour: Death of an Emperor and Vespasian’s Legacy

Head of a statue of Vespasian , 70-80 AD, British Museum



After ruling the empire for a decade, Vespasian contracted an illness whilst traveling through Campania. Returning at once to Rome, he promptly set out for his usual summer retreat at the thermal springs at Aquae Cutiliae . The natural springs could do little to avail his condition which worsened dramatically, however, and on 24 th June, Vespasian – the man who had restored order to the empire – died . In Rome, his reputation was suitably respected. He was deified, joining the ranks of the gods, and was thus honored with a cult of priests and worshipped by the populace of the empire as divi Vespasian . His cult – and later that of his son, Titus – was housed in the Templum divi Vespasiani , at the western end of the Roman Forum, between the Temple of Concordia and the Temple of Saturn. Quite what Vespasian would have made of this monument is anyone’s guess before he died, he is reported to have remarked, with tongue firmly in cheek: “ Oh no, I think I’m turning into a god ”!

Having risen from relative obscurity to become the Roman emperor, and as the man responsible for perhaps the most iconic of all Roman buildings, Vespasian nevertheless enjoys a reputation as a man of simple yet generous tastes and affable wit, alongside that of the authoritative general. Today, several modern languages derive their name for urinals from Vespasian – such as vespasiano in Italian . It’s tempting to ponder which legacy – in private at least – he would have been prouder of.


Ver el vídeo: Historias De Militares Vol. 12 Relatos De Horror


Comentarios:

  1. Jaye

    Lógicamente, estoy de acuerdo

  2. Cyrano

    En mi opinión no tienes razón. Vamos a discutir. Escríbeme por PM, hablamos.

  3. Maeret

    pregunta muy divertida

  4. Curran

    Probablemente esta ausente

  5. Awarnach

    Esta frase es simplemente incomparable :), me gusta mucho)))

  6. Flint

    Si yo fuera tú, pediría ayuda a los usuarios de este foro.



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